Whether you realize it or not, property rights are on the ballot in the midterm elections. Taxes, redistribution of wealth, private property takings, due process.
The 117th Congress has enacted or allowed the Biden administration to initiate policies that jeopardize private property rights. The all-Democratic Congress and Democratic administration enjoy free rein in Washington.
They’ve yawned at checks and balances, fiscal restraint and the limits of laws’ plain language. The White House and Congress have paid no attention to solving the wealth-erasing woes on Americans’ minds.
For instance, Democrats passed the $1.9 trillion “American Rescue Plan” in early 2021. It stoked inflation, voters’ chief worry. This bill larded more megaspending less than a year after the Cares Act’s $2.3 trillion, after the economy was back in decent shape. The latter legislation was a timely response to the economic shocks of a global pandemic before there were vaccines.
With Build Back Better, Manchin-Schumer edition, Democrats spent another $1.2 trillion (with $700 billion in taxes) this August. It contains more climate zealotry. It sics the IRS on taxpayers, including low-income families, small businesses and the self-employed—these are easier to go after than real tax cheats. Here come government shakedowns amidst 40-year high inflation. Redistribution of wealth is never a good idea—certainly not repeatedly or at such inflationary orders of magnitude.
Now Pres. Biden is unilaterally cancelling $10,000-$20,000 of around 43 million student loans. This predominately benefits wealthy, woke snowflakes. It will cost taxpayers between $420 billion and $570 billion. The middle class, blue-collar workers and those who didn’t go to college or did so without debt will pay for the bailout.
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer have set poor examples of comity and problem-solving. With the narrowest of majorities, these leaders have aided and abetted extreme partisan conduct unbefitting members of the U.S. Congress.
The failure to ensure accountability by and oversight of the Biden administration has enabled its twisting the Antiquities Act, which it recently did to tie up a quarter-million acres in Colorado from productive use.
The Federal Trade Commission counted “zombie votes” by former FTC Commissioner Rohit Chopra two months after he’d left the agency to head the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau.
The Justice Department is treating parents who want a say in their children’s schooling and prolife activists like criminals, while robberies and assaults are on the rise, crime’s a top public concern and woke prosecutors refuse to prosecute real criminals.
The Biden Securities and Exchange Commission proposed a rule amounting to the SEC regulating independent contracting. The SEC, the FTC and other agencies are pushing ESG—environmental, woke social and woke governance—criteria.
The Federal Highway Administration’s “guidelines” for states seeking infrastructure construction funds set de facto policy. They require states to deal with climate change, transportation equity and nonmotorized transportation with funds to build and repair highways.
What do American voters think of the state of affairs? Nearly 7 out of 10 think the country’s on the wrong track. Fifty-four percent disapprove of Pres. Biden’s job performance. Most Hispanic voters—72 percent—dislike the direction Democrats are taking the country on inflation, the economy, crime, their woke agenda.
Then there’s history: The party in the White House usually loses congressional seats in midterms.
Midterm elections give Americans an opportunity to do something about their concerns. A Republican Congress, even if the GOP controls both the Senate and the House, couldn’t enact much legislation. But it clearly could apply the brakes to a runaway, reckless White House.
Republicans have a good shot at taking the House. Controlling the House would be huge for America and addressing Americans’ top worries.
But the Senate is critically important because only it confirms or rejects Biden appointees—foremost judges, secondly executive political appointees. And a GOP Senate would preserve the filibuster and rebuff court-packing.
Shifting the Democrat-controlled Senate from 50-50 to 51-49 Republican or better would ensure scrutiny. A Sen. Herschel Walker of Georgia would vote against bad Biden nominees. So would a Sen. Don Bolduc of New Hampshire, Alan Laxalt of Nevada, Blake Masters of Arizona and Mehmet Oz of Pennsylvania.
Notably, their political opponents are rubber stamps for Biden’s ideological picks and policies—as Pennsylvania Democrat John Fetterman would be.
These elections are about protecting private property rights from Biden-Pelosi-Schumer all-fronts assaults, not about candidate personalities. Which Senate candidate will vote against Biden’s leftist excesses?